Multinationalism and Citizenship in Ethiopia Debate

NAMA explains that they organize along ethnic lines out of necessity because Ethiopia's current political structure ties power and representation to ethnicity. Their ultimate goal is a liberal system based on citizenship, but they must operate within the existing framework to protect the marginalized Amhara people.

• Organizes ethnically because Ethiopia's current political structure ties power, rights, and representation to ethnicity.

  [20:17]

• The party's ultimate goal is to establish a liberal system based on citizenship that also recognizes diversity.

  [20:51]

• Ethnic organization is a necessity to protect the Amhara people, who have been specifically targeted, rather than a desire for ethnic supremacy.

  [22:42]

WPDP prioritizes individual citizenship rights, arguing that group rights are derived from individual rights. They reject organizing politics around ethnicity or religion, and clarify that their demand for Wollo statehood is based on administrative and developmental needs for a multi-ethnic region.

• Prioritizes individual citizenship rights, believing that group rights stem from individual rights.

  [23:35]

• Rejects organizing along ethnic or religious lines to answer political questions.

  [23:54]

• The demand for Wollo statehood is for peace, development, and democratic rights, as Wollo is a diverse, multi-ethnic region.

  [24:35] [25:08]

APP follows social democracy and believes that individual rights are encompassed within group rights. They argue that respecting group rights, such as language, does not crush individual freedoms like speech and thought.

• Follows social democracy and believes individual rights are included within group rights.

  [25:55]

• Individual rights (freedom of speech, thought) and group rights (language, culture) are respected together without crushing the individual.

  [26:10]

Balderas proposes restructuring the country into 34 autonomous regions and 7 federal cities, dismantling current ethnic-based regions. They plan to use local languages alongside Amharic for regional administration, and Amharic and English at the federal level.

• Proposes restructuring the government into 34 autonomous regions and 7 autonomous federal cities.

  [27:40]

• Plans to dismantle ethnic-based regions like Oromia and Amhara and return to historical provinces.

  [28:21]

• Regional working languages will include the local language and Amharic, while federal languages will be Amharic and English.

  [28:44]

NAMA supports allowing dual citizenship under special circumstances for individuals of Ethiopian descent who have made significant contributions to the country.

• Supports granting dual citizenship under special conditions for those with Ethiopian lineage or significant contributions.

  [30:58]

• Dual citizenship would be granted based on evidence and specific criteria, not as a general principle for everyone.

  [31:10] [31:28]

WPDP permits dual citizenship to encourage diaspora Ethiopians to invest in the country. They state that dual citizens will be held legally accountable under Ethiopian law for any offenses committed within Ethiopia.

• Allows dual citizenship to encourage diaspora Ethiopians to invest their knowledge and wealth in the country.

  [32:09]

• Dual citizens will be held legally accountable under Ethiopian law for any crimes committed within the country.

  [32:27] [32:54]

APP supports maintaining the current constitutional framework, which allows the diaspora to invest and work in Ethiopia but restricts political rights like voting unless they reside in the country.

• Supports the current constitutional provisions that allow the diaspora to work and invest in Ethiopia.

  [33:28]

• Maintains restrictions on political rights (voting, being elected) for diaspora members who do not reside in the country.

  [33:44]

• Will adhere to the existing constitution unless it is amended through a public consensus process.

  [34:29]

Balderas fully supports dual citizenship for Ethiopians by descent to utilize their knowledge and experience. They would allow dual citizens to vote and run for office, and believe legal conflicts will be handled by the respective legal systems.

• Fully permits dual citizenship for Ethiopians by descent to utilize their knowledge and experience, not just their money.

  [35:27]

• Would allow dual citizens to vote and run for office, intending to suspend the current constitution that prohibits this.

  [36:12]

• Believes issues of loyalty and legal conflicts will be handled by the legal and judicial systems of the respective countries.

  [36:40] [37:15]

NAMA strongly opposes the current constitution's focus on group rights and ethnic sovereignty. They want to amend it so that sovereignty resides in the Ethiopian people as a whole, and to restructure the federal system based on geography and administration rather than ethnicity.

• Believes the current constitution divides society and restricts citizens' political space to their ethnic lines.

  [38:27]

• Wants to amend the constitution so that sovereignty belongs to the Ethiopian people as a whole, not divided by ethnicity.

  [38:59]

• Proposes restructuring the federal system based on geography, history, economy, and administration, rather than solely on ethnic identity.

  [39:39]

WPDP will amend the constitution to prioritize individual rights over group rights. They will also update it to include new rights issues while maintaining existing group rights that do not restrict individual freedoms.

• Will amend the constitution to ensure individual rights precede group rights.

  [40:34]

• Will update the constitution to incorporate new rights issues that have emerged over time.

  [40:45]

• Will maintain group rights as long as they do not restrict individual rights.

  [41:22]

WPDP states there is no contradiction because "Wollo Peoples" refers to a diverse, multi-ethnic population, which aligns with their focus on broader citizen rights.

• The name "Wollo Peoples" does not contradict their ideology because Wollo represents a diverse population, not a single ethnic identity.

  [41:47]

APP believes individual rights are protected within group rights. They will ensure minorities in regions like Afar have the right to work and live freely, focusing on better interpreting and implementing the existing constitution rather than changing it.

• Individual rights are an integral part of group rights, and respecting diversity does not mean crushing individual rights.

  [42:13]

• Minorities in regions like Afar will have their rights to work, prosper, and live freely respected.

  [43:19]

• Will focus on better interpreting and implementing the existing constitution's provisions on citizenship and group rights rather than changing the text.

  [44:11]

Balderas argues that group rights are tied to individuals and opposes politicizing language and culture. They support communal land for pastoralists but private ownership for agricultural land. They believe prioritizing group rights marginalizes minorities, and true citizenship ensures equal political rights for everyone.

• Rejects the idea that group rights are superior to individual rights, as language and culture are natural attributes of individuals, not political tools.

  [45:11]

• Supports maintaining communal land systems for pastoralists while advocating for private ownership of agricultural land.

  [46:13]

• Argues that the current focus on group rights marginalizes minorities in ethnic regions.

  [47:04]

• Citizenship rights ensure that anyone, regardless of ethnicity, has the right to be elected in any region.

  [47:23]

Balderas argues that the current focus on group rights has failed to protect individuals and has led to marginalization, citing Benishangul-Gumuz where majorities are excluded from power. They believe respecting individual rights will naturally fulfill group rights.

• The current constitution's focus on group rights has failed to protect individuals and has even failed to respect true group rights.

  [49:20]

• In regions like Benishangul-Gumuz, the system excludes majorities like Amhara and Oromo from holding political power, reserving it for specific groups.

  [50:08] [51:53] [52:48]

• Respecting individual rights (to work, own property, participate in politics anywhere) will naturally lead to the fulfillment of group rights.

  [50:33]

Balderas clarifies they do not want to return to the regimes of Haile Selassie or the Derg, but rather to dismantle the current ethnic federalism that divides people, aiming to restore the historical social fabric of unity and peaceful coexistence.

• The current EPRDF constitution divides citizens and grants rights only to specific groups, leaving others out.

  [53:43] [54:18]

• Does not want to return to the specific regimes of Haile Selassie or the Derg, but rather to the historical social fabric of unity and peaceful coexistence.

  [54:25]

NAMA defines citizenship as having equal rights, protection, and shared loyalty. They reject the separation of individual and group rights, arguing that an individual's identity includes their community, history, and culture, which should be viewed in a unified manner.

• Citizenship means having equal rights, equal protection, and shared loyalty, encompassing both legal and political dimensions.

  [55:52]

• Rejects the ideological separation of individual and group rights, advocating for a unified approach where both are respected together.

  [55:34] [56:22]

• An individual's identity includes their community, history, and culture, and these should not be divided.

  [56:48]

NAMA supports a federal system based on geography, history, and administration, not solely on ethnicity, which they argue causes conflict. They aim to build a system that respects linguistic and religious rights without organizing politics exclusively around single ethnic identities.

• Supports a federal system based on geography, history, and administration, rather than solely on ethnic identity.

  [58:48]

• The current ethnic-based federal structure is a source of conflict, death, and displacement.

  [59:11] [59:50]

• Aims to build a system that respects linguistic, religious, and cultural rights without organizing politics exclusively around single ethnic identities.

  [59:25]

WPDP supports dual citizenship to allow diaspora Ethiopians to invest in the country, subject to Ethiopian law. They argue that demanding Wollo statehood is a constitutional right to address the region's long-standing lack of peace and development.

• Supports dual citizenship to enable diaspora Ethiopians to invest their knowledge and wealth in the country, subject to Ethiopian law.

  [1:01:14]

• The demand for Wollo statehood is a constitutional right aimed at addressing the region's lack of peace and development, as its status has been unresolved for decades.

  [1:01:40]

APP clarifies that they support maintaining the constitution temporarily. They want the existing constitutional rights to self-administration to be properly implemented first before considering amendments.

• Supports maintaining the current constitution temporarily, not permanently rejecting amendments.

  [1:03:08]

• Believes the current constitution provides the right to self-administration, which needs to be properly implemented and utilized first.

  [1:03:43]

Balderas argues that providing services in multiple languages protects minority rights and ensures equal citizenship, which is more important than administrative costs. Using a local language alongside a national language promotes both local administration and national unity.

• Using multiple languages protects the legal and administrative rights of minorities who do not speak the dominant regional language.

  [1:05:45]

• Ensuring equal rights for all citizens across the country is more important than administrative costs.

  [1:06:08] [1:06:37]

• Combining a local mother tongue with a national language (Amharic) promotes both local rights and national unity.

  [1:07:08]

Balderas clarifies that their plan for 34 autonomous regions applies to the entire country. They propose restructuring based on geography, administration, and development rather than just language, and emphasize that any changes will be subject to public consultation.

• The plan to restructure into 34 autonomous regions applies to the entire country, not just Oromia and Amhara.

  [1:08:05] [1:09:54]

• Restructuring will be based on public consultation and consent, free from political pressure.

  [1:08:22] [1:08:48]

• Regions should be organized based on geography, administrative efficiency, and development potential, rather than solely on language, to ensure equitable resource distribution.

  [1:09:02] [1:15:10]

WPDP responds that the statehood demand is about securing peace, development, and democratic rights, not division. They are supporting a public demand for a region that is inherently multi-ethnic.

• The demand for statehood is driven by the need for peace, development, and the exercise of constitutional democratic rights, not a desire for division.

  [1:11:39]

• The party is supporting a long-standing public demand organized by a public committee.

  [1:11:58]

• "Wollo" is a multi-ethnic region (including Oromo, Amhara, Afar, Agaw, Argobba), so demanding a region that encompasses this diversity is appropriate.

  [1:12:18]

Balderas explains that the 34 regions are a proposed solution based on studies. If elected, it signifies public acceptance of their manifesto, but they will still engage in public discussion and adjust if necessary.

• The proposal for 34 regions is a solution based on research and expert consultation, presented in their manifesto.

  [1:14:03] [1:14:47]

• If elected, it signifies public acceptance of their manifesto, but they will still engage in public discussion and remain responsive to public feedback.

  [1:14:22] [1:15:20]

NAMA dismisses the premise, stating they are an active party with established structures. They view internal debate as positive and emphasize adherence to institutional procedures.

• NAMA is an active, functioning party with established structures like a general assembly and executive committee.

  [1:15:58]

• Internal differences of opinion are a positive aspect of political discourse, not a sign of disunity.

  [1:16:05] [1:16:40]

• The party relies on institutional procedures and rejects actions by individuals that deviate from the institution.

  [1:16:49]

NAMA states they organized as Amhara due to historical necessity and targeted attacks within the current system. However, their long-term aim is to negotiate with other Ethiopians to transition away from identity-based politics.

• NAMA's ultimate goal is not ethnic politics; they aim to transition away from identity-based political systems through national dialogue.

  [1:19:21]

• Organized as Amhara out of necessity due to the current political structure and targeted attacks against the Amhara people.

  [1:19:42]

• The long-term objective is to work with all Ethiopians to make ethnic-based political organization obsolete.

  [1:20:10]

Balderas explains that Amharic has historically served as a lingua franca, and English is already taught in schools. Using a common national language alongside the local mother tongue facilitates national unity without harming local rights.

• English is already part of the educational system, so it is not a completely foreign imposition.

  [1:21:23]

• Amharic has historically developed as a common language for communication among Ethiopia's diverse groups, not through imposition.

  [1:21:37]

• Using a common national language alongside the local mother tongue facilitates national unity and communication without harming local rights.

  [1:22:09] [1:22:49]

WPDP argues Wollo is a historically significant region that has been denied development and good governance. The demand for statehood is a constitutional right to address these administrative and developmental grievances.

• Rejects the label "gerageru" (naive) as a term used to pacify and undermine the people of Wollo.

  [1:23:50]

• Wollo is a historically and culturally significant region (home to Lalibela, Gishen Maryam) that has suffered from a lack of development and good governance.

  [1:24:10]

• The demand for statehood is a constitutional and democratic right aimed at addressing these long-standing developmental and administrative grievances.

  [1:25:09]