Foreign Affairs and National Security
Ethiopia's security threats stem from internal vulnerabilities and external forces exploiting them.
Ethiopia's security threats stem from internal vulnerabilities and external forces trying to exploit them to weaken the country.
Ethiopia's future growth depends on utilizing the Nile and securing a seaport on the Red Sea.
Ethiopia's future growth and capacity depend on properly utilizing the Nile's development potential and the Red Sea for logistics and security.
Lacking a seaport reduces a country's economic growth by 20%, and Ethiopia aims to secure one through peaceful, diplomatic, and legal means.
Raising the issue is a success, the agenda is mature, and it can be achieved diplomatically through give-and-take.
Raising the seaport issue is the beginning of success as it made the world aware of Ethiopia's loss and started conversations.
The seaport agenda is mature, having been discussed for 30 years, and the government will not abandon its national interest despite criticism.
A seaport can be secured through give-and-take agreements, such as concessions, leases, or land swaps, respecting other countries' sovereignty.
Ethiopia is not isolated and has achieved significant diplomatic successes.
Ethiopia is not isolated; it has hosted many bilateral visits, joined BRICS, and been elected to UN and AU councils.
The government has made its grievances clear to the world.
Renewing relations showed Ethiopia's desire for peace, but currently, the government has made its grievances and areas needing correction clear to the world.
Ethiopia is building capacity to deter threats and bases relations on national interest.
Ethiopia views the changing global order as an opportunity and is building strong institutions and economic capacity to deter proxy war threats.
Ethiopia's relations with all countries are principled and centered on advancing its national interests.
NAMA prioritizes reclaiming Assab and the Red Sea coast as sovereign territory through diplomacy and give-and-take.
Securing a seaport starts by correcting the post-1991 system that denied Ethiopia its historical rights.
NAMA prioritizes reclaiming Assab and the Red Sea coast, making it part of Ethiopia's sovereign territory.
NAMA will use diplomacy, international institutions, and the principle of give-and-take (like leases or land/energy exchanges) to secure a port without resorting to force first.
NAMA opposes foreign interference and will defend Ethiopia's sovereignty.
If the Eritrean army crossed the border, it is a violation of sovereignty, and NAMA will stand with any Ethiopian entity to defend it.
NAMA strongly opposes cross-border crimes and foreign interference, viewing actions by Sudan or Eritrea to arm militants similarly, and will struggle against them.
NAMA would recognize Somaliland.
NAMA would recognize Somaliland as it respects the decision of its people and it does not harm Ethiopia's interests.
NAMA views Egypt as a historical enemy and will counter it by reducing internal vulnerabilities.
NAMA views Egypt as a historical enemy due to its constant hostile efforts and support for internal rebel groups.
NAMA will counter Egypt's pressure primarily by reducing Ethiopia's internal vulnerabilities.
FEP will use diplomacy to secure port access and balance foreign relations based on mutual growth.
FEP will use peaceful and diplomatic means to negotiate with the five neighboring countries that have seaports to secure access.
FEP's main principle is balance; it will work with any country based on mutual growth and cooperation as long as Ethiopia's national interests are respected.
FEP rejects colonial treaties and will protect Ethiopia's right to use its natural resources.
FEP absolutely rejects colonial agreements and any decision preventing Ethiopia from using its cross-border rivers.
FEP prioritizes international law and would not recognize Somaliland to protect Ethiopia's image.
FEP would not recognize Somaliland because it is unrecognized by the UN, AU, and IGAD, and making agreements with it risks harming Ethiopia's foreign image.
Respecting international laws is the best way to secure Ethiopia's national interest among the available port options, and FEP does not sacrifice national interest for ideology.
FEP will focus on demarcating borders through negotiation.
FEP believes all borders with neighboring countries must be demarcated respecting international laws through negotiation to prevent conflicts, even if it takes more than 5 years.
FEP seeks peaceful relations with Eritrea and will unite to defend against attacks.
FEP is concerned about the deterioration of relations with Eritrea and will work to create peaceful, fraternal, and diplomatic relations to secure seaport access.
Working with all Ethiopian entities to defend against foreign attacks is a national obligation.
CEUP aims for unity with Eritrea or reclaiming Assab through peaceful dialogue.
CEUP believes Eritrea's secession was a mistake and aims to build trust to create an opportunity for the two countries to unite if the people desire it.
If unity is not possible, CEUP's second option is to secure Assab port through dialogue and negotiation, citing historical and legal errors in its loss.
CEUP calls for troop withdrawal and prioritizing internal peace before blaming neighbors.
Both Ethiopia and Eritrea should move their troops away from the border.
Before blaming neighbors for interference, the Ethiopian government must stop the internal civil war, ensure justice, and refrain from provocations.
Any foreign support for militants must stop, and CEUP will defend Ethiopia using the defense force and national unity if attacked.
CEUP denies the accusations as false history.
EPRP never committed treason or compromised the country's sovereignty; the treason narrative is a false history fabricated by the Derg and TPLF.
CEUP blames Ethiopia for acting as a proxy and calls for an end to provocations.
Ethiopia is acting as a proxy for the UAE and supporting the Rapid Support Forces, which invites attacks.
Both Ethiopia and Sudan must stop provocations and stop acting as proxies for foreign countries.
EZEMA aims to reclaim Assab through negotiation and build ties with Eritreans.
Assab is Ethiopian property taken unjustly, and EZEMA will try to reclaim it through negotiation, revising international laws, and offering options like land swaps or institutional shares.
EZEMA wishes to facilitate a way for Eritrea to become part of Ethiopia, though it requires long-term work due to past mistakes.
EZEMA will take pioneering steps, such as offering free education, to build people-to-people and economic ties with Eritreans, viewing them separately from their dictatorial government.
EZEMA views both as existential issues and will cooperate with any entity to secure them.
The Red Sea and Nile are existential issues, and EZEMA will cooperate with any Ethiopian entity, including PP, that works to secure these national interests.
EZEMA is open to recognizing Somaliland if it benefits Ethiopia.
EZEMA is ready to take bold steps, including recognizing Somaliland, if it benefits Ethiopia's national interest, considering the volatile nature of the Horn of Africa.
EZEMA views Egypt's actions as hostile.
Based on Egypt's constant efforts to prevent Ethiopia from using the Nile, EZEMA concludes they are acting as an enemy, though enmity isn't eternal.
EZEMA supports a proportional response to defend sovereignty.
Any entity attacking Ethiopia or working to destabilize it must receive a proportional response to protect sovereignty, and EZEMA strongly opposes any armed attempt to overthrow the government.
NAMA condemns foreign-backed armed groups and will carefully consider peace board membership.
NAMA condemns armed groups linked to foreign enemies and will struggle against them, noting the Amhara people do not support such movements.
Joining Trump's peace board would be considered carefully through consultation with experts, leveraging Ethiopia's strong peacekeeping history.
PP is actively working to solve internal vulnerabilities that invite external pressure.
Internal vulnerabilities invite external pressure, and PP is addressing this by calling armed groups to peace talks, starting the National Dialogue, and building institutions.
PP urges all parties to help stop the historical bad culture of internal forces allying with external enemies.
PP asserts all agreements are for national interest, not foreign pressure.
All bilateral and multilateral agreements are solely to ensure Ethiopia's national interest and sovereignty; Ethiopia is not a proxy for any foreign power.
Foreign leaders visit for mutual interests, recognizing Ethiopia's growth.
Foreign leaders come for their own interests but see Ethiopia as a capable partner due to internal successes, and Ethiopia must leverage this for mutual benefit.
PP denies proxy accusations and calls for unity against enemy propaganda.
Accusations of acting as proxies or training RSF are baseless rumors spread by enemies to undermine successes like the GERD.
Political parties should unite on national issues instead of echoing foreign propaganda and unverified rumors.
PP stands for reclaiming Ethiopia's lost rights.
PP stands for building an Ethiopia that reclaims its lost rights and has a strong posture, and is not on the side of history that made Ethiopia lose its port.
PP is willing to work with anyone on national issues.
PP is willing to work with anyone on national issues, and if some refuse, it's their choice; we must unite on foreign relations and leave behind bad political cultures.
CEUP follows a synthesized policy, defends EPRP's history, and seeks a port legally.
The coalition follows a synthesized policy based on Social Liberalism, focusing on neutrality and Ethiopia's interests.
EPRP never committed treason and fought the Siad Barre invasion; the treason narrative is false.
CEUP will use legal options, historical ownership, and propose economic integration to secure a port, denying any proxy status.
FEP uses balance to ensure sustainable interests.
Balance ensures sustainable national interests by considering neighbors' interests, primarily using diplomacy but allowing force if necessary.
EZEMA will remain in institutions but rely more on internal strength.
EZEMA recognizes the global order is changing and will build foreign policy on internal strength rather than solely relying on weakening international systems, without withdrawing from them.
Regarding the port, all options are on the table to reclaim the unjustly taken right, and EZEMA calls for political unity on this agenda.