Federalism, Ethnic Identity and National Unity Debate

Advocates for a proportional multinational federalism with a presidential system, a bicameral legislature, and a separate Constitutional Court.

• Proposes proportional multinational federalism balancing diversity and administrative convenience.

  [4:23]

• Proposes a presidential system where the president is directly elected.

  [5:38]

• Proposes a bicameral legislature consisting of a House of Representatives and a Senate with two representatives per province.

  [5:50]

• Proposes establishing a Constitutional Court separate from regular courts.

  [6:15]

Criticizes the current ethnic-based federalism for making ethnic groups the owners of the country instead of citizens, and points out the lack of separation of powers.

• Criticizes the constitution for making ethnic groups the owners of the country rather than citizens.

  [9:50]

• Notes that the current federal structure is primarily based on language.

  [10:34]

• Criticizes the lack of separation of powers, stating all branches are controlled by one party.

  [11:03]

• Argues the House of Federation represents ethnic groups rather than regions, unlike a true Senate.

  [11:36]

Views the current system as leaning towards confederalism and proposes a federal system based on geography, settlement, and economy that prioritizes individual rights.

• Argues the current system leans more towards confederalism than federalism.

  [14:02]

• Criticizes the language-based federalism for creating suspicion and first/second-class citizens.

  [14:27] [15:05]

• Proposes a federal system based on geography, settlement, and economy.

  [15:25]

• Prioritizes individual rights while respecting people's identities.

  [16:00]

Advocates for multinational federalism to accommodate diversity and maintain unity, rejecting the label of ethnic federalism and emphasizing a shared national narrative.

• Advocates for a multinational federal system to use diversity as a foundation for unity.

  [17:56]

• Rejects the label 'ethnic federalism,' calling it inclusive multinational federalism.

  [18:06]

• Claims regions now administer themselves without interference.

  [18:36]

• Emphasizes building a shared narrative to bind the country together.

  [21:12]

Accepts language and identity but adds administrative convenience and citizens' ownership of the country to protect minorities.

• Accepts language, identity, settlement, and mutual consent as criteria.

  [23:03]

• Adds administrative convenience as a necessary criterion.

  [23:24]

• Adds citizens' ownership of the country to protect minority rights in regions.

  [23:31] [23:53]

Criticizes the focus on language and ethnicity, proposing to reorganize regions based on geography, language, resource distribution, and national consensus.

• Criticizes the current system for focusing solely on language and ethnicity, ignoring other identities.

  [25:20]

• Will reorganize regions based on geography, language, resource distribution, and national consensus.

  [24:57]

• Advocates for a federal system based on citizen politics rather than ethnic identity.

  [26:12]

Believes the current structure causes crises and wants constitutional change based on geography, culture, and public consent to foster Ethiopian identity.

• Argues the current constitutional structure has led to crises and restricted movement.

  [26:33]

• Proposes constitutional change based on geography, culture, development, and public consent.

  [26:58]

• Wants a system where people can proudly identify as Ethiopians without fear.

  [27:12]

Believes respecting self-administration and culture is crucial for unity and argues that group and individual rights do not clash.

• Believes respecting self-administration, language, and culture is crucial for national unity.

  [27:54]

• Argues that group rights and individual rights do not clash and can be balanced.

  [28:55]

• Emphasizes building a shared narrative alongside self-administration.

  [29:12]

Will abandon the term 'region' for 'province' and eliminate zones to reduce bureaucracy, answering structural demands purely by law.

• Will replace the term 'region' with 'province' (ክፍለ አገር).

  [31:37]

• Will structure administration into Province, Woreda, and Kebele, eliminating Zones to reduce bureaucracy and costs.

  [32:00]

• Regional demands will be answered purely by law based on set criteria, not political whims.

  [33:07]

Criticizes the current structure for lacking standards and will restructure regions based on four criteria including resource distribution and geography.

• Criticizes the current regional structure for lacking standards, comparing Harari to larger groups.

  [33:59]

• Will restructure regions based on geography/settlement, language/culture, resource distribution, and national consensus.

  [35:00]

Rejects politicians deciding regions in backrooms, proposing constitutional amendments to base structures on geography, economy, and public consent.

• Rejects the idea of politicians deciding regional structures in backrooms without public input.

  [36:01]

• Will amend the constitution to change 'Nations, Nationalities and Peoples' to 'Ethiopian Citizens'.

  [37:08]

• Will base regional structures on geography, settlement, economy, and public consent.

  [37:21]

Will maintain the constitutional system based on geography, shared identity, and public consent, emphasizing a shared narrative for cooperative growth.

• Will maintain the constitutional system based on geography, shared identity, and public consent.

  [39:19]

• Emphasizes building a shared narrative to ensure regions grow together cooperatively.

  [39:51]

Acknowledges the federal government holds residual powers and plans to restructure provinces to address revenues unfairly centralized.

• Acknowledges that residual powers currently fall to the federal government.

  [41:55]

• Plans to restructure into provinces and return revenues that were unfairly centralized to the federal government.

  [42:31]

Argues there is no real division of power or checks and balances, making the system practically unitary.

• Argues there is no real division of power between the federal government and regions.

  [43:02]

• Claims the system is practically unitary despite being federal on paper, lacking checks and balances.

  [43:23] [43:38]

Will give administrative powers to regional governments to bring them closer to the people, while the federal government handles diplomacy and security.

• Will give administrative powers to regional/provincial governments to bring government closer to the people.

  [44:22]

• The federal government will handle diplomacy and security matters.

  [44:55]

Argues the system gives regions the right to develop themselves, citing a new proclamation for regional revenues, and has no immediate plans for constitutional change.

• Argues the system does not favor the federal government but gives regions the right to develop and administer themselves.

  [45:07]

• Cites a new proclamation allowing regions to develop their own revenues.

  [45:25]

• Has no immediate plans for constitutional change but will present ideas to the National Dialogue Commission.

  [46:08]

Proposes an independent Constitutional Court, criticizing the House of Federation for lacking checks and balances.

• Proposes establishing a Constitutional Court to interpret the constitution.

  [47:34]

• Criticizes the House of Federation for acting as both executive and interpreter, lacking checks and balances.

  [47:48]

Rejects political interpretation of the constitution, advocating for an independent Constitutional Court with legal experts.

• Rejects the logic that the House of Federation should interpret the constitution just because ethnic groups created it.

  [49:43]

• Argues that politicians should not interpret the law; it requires independent legal experts.

  [50:15]

• Will establish an independent Constitutional Court.

  [50:55]

Agrees that political interpretation hinders constitutional amendments and proposes a separate body for interpretation to ensure independence.

• Agrees that the lack of an independent, non-political body for interpretation is a barrier to constitutional amendment.

  [51:55]

• Proposes a bicameral system where one house or a separate body handles interpretation independently from politics.

  [52:13]

• Emphasizes the need for practical independence of justice institutions, not just on paper.

  [52:57]

Defends the House of Federation as representative of all Ethiopians and views constitutional interpretation as involving legal, political, and administrative balances.

• Defends the House of Federation, stating it represents all Ethiopian people, not just ethnic groups.

  [53:36]

• Argues the constitution is a political covenant, so interpretation involves legal, political, and administrative balances.

  [53:59]

• Open to discussing implementation issues at the National Dialogue Commission.

  [54:22]

Rejects a unitary system and plans to fix implementation issues through a balanced multinational federalism ensuring proportional structures and fair wealth distribution.

• Argues a unitary system is not advisable for a diverse country like Ethiopia.

  [56:54]

• Will fix implementation issues by using a 'balanced multinational federalism'.

  [57:29]

• Will ensure proportional administrative structures, respect for citizens' rights, and fair power/wealth distribution.

  [57:40]

Acknowledges changing the system requires generational shifts and plans to amend the constitutional foundations of ethnic federalism while restructuring regions.

• Clarifies they don't think a unitary system is inherently bad, but federalism is better for Ethiopia's diversity.

  [59:03]

• Acknowledges that changing a 30-year-old system requires generational mindset changes.

  [59:39]

• Will start by amending the constitutional foundations that gave legal recognition to ethnic federalism.

  [1:00:07]

Notes unitary systems work elsewhere but plans to use the National Dialogue and constitutional amendments to fix the current system's absurdities.

• Notes that many countries use unitary systems successfully, and it shouldn't be used as a scare tactic.

  [1:01:07] [1:01:38]

• Points out the current system's absurdities, like people having to travel huge distances for administrative matters.

  [1:01:59]

• Will use the National Dialogue and constitutional amendments to fix these issues.

  [1:02:37]

Rejects returning to a unitary state, clarifying they follow multinational federalism and believe local identities can strengthen Ethiopian unity.

• Rejects the idea of returning to a unitary state, saying it suppressed people's desires to develop themselves.

  [1:03:49]

• Clarifies they follow 'multinational federalism,' not 'ethnic federalism'.

  [1:04:13]

• Believes people can maintain their local identities while strengthening Ethiopian unity.

  [1:04:33]

Will implement changes based on public desire and consent.

• Will implement changes based on public desire and consent.

  [1:07:19]

Clarifies they do not oppose ethnic rights but oppose using ethnicity for political organization, re-emphasizing their four criteria for regions.

• Clarifies they never said they oppose ethnic rights; they oppose using ethnicity for political organization.

  [1:08:35]

• Re-emphasizes the four criteria for structuring regions (geography, language, resource distribution, national consensus).

  [1:08:47]

Supports mother-tongue education and justice, but will establish a national language and add more working languages based on study.

• People have the right to be judged and taught in their mother tongue.

  [1:10:00]

• There will be a national language for common communication (e.g., military).

  [1:10:09]

• Will add more working languages based on study.

  [1:10:25]

Re-emphasizes inclusive multinational federalism and notes they have already made five languages federal working languages.

• Re-emphasizes 'multinational federalism' which is inclusive of all groups.

  [1:11:44]

• Mentions they have already made 5 languages federal working languages.

  [1:13:08]

• Acknowledges changing mindsets takes time, hence the focus on building a shared narrative.

  [1:13:21]

Uses balanced multinational federalism to protect ethnic rights while ensuring administrative convenience and multiple federal working languages.

• Uses 'balanced multinational federalism' to balance ethnic/citizen rights with national unity.

  [1:14:42]

• Will have constitutional recognition for language and identity.

  [1:15:15]

• Will have multiple federal working languages.

  [1:15:26]

Argues ethnic rights should be respected but not politicized, and the House of Federation should represent regions for proper checks and balances.

• Ethnic rights should be respected but not used for political purposes.

  [1:17:23]

• The House of Federation should represent regions, not ethnic groups, to ensure checks and balances.

  [1:18:02]

Agrees on a bicameral legislature and independent constitutional interpretation, emphasizing genuine dialogue for economic fairness.

• Agrees with EZEMA on the need for a bicameral legislature.

  [1:18:24]

• Warns that constitutional interpretation has become a political tool and should be handled by independent experts.

  [1:18:36]

• Emphasizes the need for genuine dialogue to solve basic issues like justice and economic fairness.

  [1:19:33]

Believes self-administration is the foundation for unity and that citizens can develop their culture while building shared institutions.

• Believes self-administration is the foundation for Ethiopian unity, not an obstacle.

  [1:19:59]

• Citizens can develop their culture while building shared Ethiopian institutions.

  [1:20:18]

• Needs strong institutions to implement constitutional rights.

  [1:21:26]

Argues structure and operation must be integrated, so government structure must accommodate group rights like language and culture.

• Argues structure and operation must be integrated; rights won't be respected if the structure doesn't recognize them.

  [1:23:31]

• Federalism involves group rights (language, culture), so the structure must accommodate them.

  [1:23:44]

Questions why language was the sole basis for regions despite other constitutional criteria, arguing it has become a tool for political division.

• Questions why the constitution listed four criteria but only used language to form regions.

  [1:25:33]

• Argues language has become a tool for political division rather than a service tool.

  [1:25:42]

• Emphasizes that rights should be protected as human rights, not used to dictate political structure.

  [1:26:37]

Agrees that focusing solely on language for structure is problematic and magnified by politicians for gain.

• Agrees that focusing solely on language for structure is problematic and stems from a 50-year-old narrative.

  [1:27:00]

• Notes that politicians magnify the language issue for political gain.

  [1:27:16]

Defends using language for structure as it is a shared identity, and institutions can choose a language for administrative convenience based on public desire.

• Argues that constitutional rights need institutions and structures to be implemented.

  [1:27:46]

• Defends using language, stating it is a shared identity and institutions can choose a language for administrative convenience based on public desire.

  [1:28:33]

• Denies that structure is solely tied to language.

  [1:28:54]

Will submit flag and anthem issues to the National Dialogue, advocate for multiple federal languages, and remove the right to secession.

• Flag and Anthem will be submitted to the National Dialogue Commission for public consensus.

  [1:30:20] [1:31:42]

• There should be more than one federal working language.

  [1:31:04]

• Rejects the right to secession (Article 39) and believes it should be removed.

  [1:31:25]

Proposes a public referendum for the flag, advocates for multiple federal languages, and will remove the right to secession.

• The flag should be decided by a public referendum.

  [1:32:27]

• Amharic is the working language, but advocates for more than one federal working language.

  [1:32:38]

• Will remove the right to secession (Article 39).

  [1:31:18]

Will add more working languages based on study, amend the constitution to naturally remove Article 39, and address symbols through public dialogue.

• Will add more working languages based on study, citing Nigeria and South Africa.

  [1:34:32]

• Will amend the constitution to fix its confederal nature, which will naturally correct/remove Article 39.

  [1:35:36]

• National symbols will be addressed through public dialogue and decision.

  [1:36:11]

Believes issues like the flag, language, Article 39, and anthem should be discussed and decided by the public through the National Dialogue Commission.

• Believes issues like the flag, language, Article 39, and anthem should be discussed and decided by the public through the National Dialogue Commission.

  [1:36:22]

• Will implement whatever the public decides.

  [1:36:55]

Clarifies they do not oppose ethnic rights but oppose using ethnicity for political organization, advocating for citizen-based politics.

• Clarifies they never said they oppose ethnic rights; they oppose using ethnicity for political organization.

  [1:46:20]

• Argues that politics should be based on citizenship, not ethnicity, as ethnic politics leads to fragmentation.

  [1:47:42]

Defends their approach, stating they called on parties to implement multinational federalism and believe the system can correct itself.

• We don't support anarchy; we called on parties to implement multinational federalism.

  [1:50:28]

• We believe the system can correct itself.

  [1:51:30]

States 'Medemer' is their published ideology and defends using the National Dialogue Commission to let the public decide on constitutional issues.

• 'Medemer' is our ideology, published in books; read it before criticizing.

  [1:49:29]

• We called on parties to implement multinational federalism.

  [1:50:28]

Rejects the idea that they support anarchy, stating they called on parties to implement multinational federalism and believe the system can correct itself.

• We don't support anarchy; we called on parties to implement multinational federalism.

  [1:50:28]

• We believe the system can correct itself.

  [1:51:30]

Denies organizing people by telling them they are oppressed, instead asking for fair wealth/power distribution, and states regions will be formed based on law, not their desire.

• We don't organize people by telling them they are oppressed; we ask for fair wealth/power distribution and recognition.

  [1:44:41]

• We don't want to create 80 regions; regions will be formed based on law and criteria if citizens demand it.

  [1:45:29]

Asserts they understand the people's psychology and respect culture/language, but insist politics should be based on citizenship to avoid fragmentation.

• We understand the people's psychology; culture and language must be respected.

  [1:47:42]

• Politics should be based on citizenship, not ethnicity, as ethnic politics leads to fragmentation.

  [1:47:52]

Explains that parties in their coalition work together based on equality, not a master-servant relationship, demonstrating true federalism.

• We work together based on equality, not a master-servant relationship, demonstrating true federalism.

  [1:48:47]

Criticizes Prosperity's failure to implement federalism, proposes replacing the House of Federation with a legal body, and will create provinces with agreed-upon names.

• Criticizes Prosperity for failing to implement federalism practically.

  [1:52:58]

• Proposes replacing the House of Federation with a legal body.

  [1:53:39]

• Will create provinces with names that everyone agrees on, not based on a single ethnicity.

  [1:54:34]

Claims other opposition parties cannot form a government, promises to amend key constitutional articles including removing secession, and introduces the Scales symbol.

• Claims other opposition parties haven't fielded enough candidates to form a government.

  [1:55:10]

• Promises to amend the constitution's preamble, Article 8, Articles 46 & 47, Article 52, and remove Article 39 (secession).

  [1:56:43]

• Introduces their symbol: Scales (ሚዛን).

  [1:58:35]

Promises a federal system based on geography and public consent, urges voters to change the government, and introduces the Thumb symbol.

• Promises a federal system based on geography, development, culture, and public consent.

  [1:58:53]

• Urges voters not to lose hope and to vote to change the government.

  [1:59:08]

• Introduces their symbol: Thumb (የአውራ ጣት).

  [1:59:23]

Claims to have ended center-periphery politics, promises to continue building multinational federalism, and introduces the Wheat Sheaf symbol.

• Claims to have ended the 'center vs. periphery' politics, bringing marginalized people into leadership.

  [2:00:54]

• Promises to continue building a multinational federal system where power comes from the constitution.

  [2:02:53]

• Will implement changes decided by the National Dialogue Commission.

  [2:03:14]

• Introduces their symbol: Wheat Sheaf (የስንዴ ነዶ).

  [2:03:59]